Andreja Vezovnik, PhD, University of Ljubljana,

In 1992 - the Slovenian Ministry of Internal Affairs erased the legal status of 18.305 of ethnically ex-Yugoslavian inhabitants of Slovenia who, after the secession of Slovenia from Yugoslavia, did not obtain the Slovenian citizenship. Their status became equal to illegal immigrants, although the majority of them for several years, even decades, worked, lived and had families in Slovenia. The paper is based on the qualitative analysis of Slovenian op-ed press in order to determine the discursive frame in which a newly established 'democratic' system created, what Agamben would refer to as 'the Muslims' - people reduced to bare life with apparently no possibility for political subjectivation. Based on the case study of the Erased this paper explores the ethics of the Erased and establishes a dialog between Agamben's conception of the Muslim as pure negativity and Laclau's conception of a discursively inscribed demand as a condition for subjectivation. Therefore the paper wants to address Laclau's and Agamben's different views on theorizing the inside/outside position of the Muslim (in this case the Erased) and tries to address the problem using both theories. While on the one hand, the concepts of hegemony and antagonistic relations are useful in order not to reduce the Erased to pure objects, on the other hand the concept of the Muslim tells us a story of an ongoing reality but, at the same time, implies the role of the Witness or representative that can mediate between the failed enunciation of the Muslim and the discursive inscription of a political demand.

Andreja Vezovnik, PhD, University of Ljubljana, Faculty of Social Sciences, andrejavezovnik@gmail.com

Ola Svenonius Department of Political Science Södertörn University

Recent years have witnessed a sharp rise in surveillance practices and installations aimed at the collection of information about human behaviour in general, and behaviour of certain "risk groups" in particular. Surveillance is often a controversial activity, and almost always in need of legitimation in for example legal, financial, and social/political terms. Actors claiming to perform legitimate surveillance adapt rhetorical strategies and apply discursive devices available in the larger discursive field of state-citizen relations within a given context. Such strategies include e.g. voluntary limits to the scope surveillance practices, and addressing fear of crime and social distrust, as well as claims of the outstanding character of surveillance practices as efficient, legally unproblematic, and protecting democratic and even human rights.

This discursive practice does not exist in a vacuum, however. First, such claims can only be made against a cultural-historical background; second, they are almost always subject of resistance. Resistance to surveillance has been an issue of concern not only to policy makers but also for the scientific community (see e.g. Surveillance & Society vol. 6, no.3) and the artistic community (see e.g. New York based artist Jill Magid). Unfortunately, scientific accounts of resistance are often overly theoretical or empirically thin, being based on single observations or exclusively on media material (Cf. Marx 2007). The paper addresses the need of empirical accounts of resistance to surveillance by use of new data generated in a comparative PhD project where discourses and legitimation of surveillance in Germany, Poland and Sweden are analysed. Focusing on resistance to camera surveillance in the local transport in Berlin and Stockholm, the paper highlights different strategies applied by organisations to criticise surveillance practices, both in terms of street activism and lobbying. The results point to several interesting aspects: first, how the resistance in Sweden and Germany focuses on quite different - and irreconcilable - targets; and second, that these differences are related to the general discourse of citizenship in general and security in particular; third, that resistance can be very pragmatic in an ideological sense.

Ola Svenonius Department of Political Science Södertörn University (Stockholm, Sweden) Email: Ola.Svenonius@sh.se

Dr. Semin Suvarierol, Erasmus University Rotterdam

Whereas the growing scope of citizenship requirements in Europe has received much scholarly attention, the actual content of these 'citizenship packages', i.e. the introduction films, booklets, and citizenship tests, has hardly been closely analyzed. These citizenship packages provide us with valuable data to study new nationalisms. The information included in (and excluded from) these packages offers us valuable insights into how the receiving state presents itself to its prospective members. Citizenship packages include descriptions of the nation-state that include an encapsulated summary of the history and the identity of the nation as well as what the newcomers are expected to know and socialize into. Through these packages, the state constructs its own 'national image' to prospective citizens who have missed out on state socialization mechanisms such as national education. In analyzing the new nationalisms reflected in these citizenship materials, I draw on the insights of classical theories of nationalism (cf. Renan, Anderson, Hobsbawm, Gellner) and examine the extent to which the new nationalisms resemble the old nationalisms.

What kinds of images depict the nation-state in citizenship packages? Which historical details and national values are selected for this group of 'late socializers'? How is the migrant portrayed in these national stories? This article aims to answer these questions by analyzing and comparing citizenship packages of three West European countries: the Netherlands, France, and the UK. The data includes introduction films, welcoming packages, and citizenship tests. In analyzing these data, I look both into text and images. The focus of the article will be on the presentations of the Self (as the receiving state and the native) and the Other (as the migrant and the foreigner). I critically assess and analyze the citizenship packages of these countries and focus particularly on the positioning of building blocks of nationalism in these packages; namely, language, history, and norms.

Dr. Semin Suvarierol, Erasmus University Rotterdam E-mail: suvarierol@fsw.eur.nl

Teresa Pullano Fulbright-Schuman Fellow Department of Political Science Columbia University New York

Is there a change in contemporary forms of government with respect to the classical idea of the modern state? And, if yes, is this transformation linked to a different way of appropriating territoriality? Following the hypothesis that Michel Foucault outlines in Security, Territory, Population, this paper will explore the changes in European Union government, with a special focus on citizenship as both a strategic, instrumental, tool and as a normative category, opening up spaces for self-government.

According to Foucault, the central issue for the classical, modern sovereign, such as it is theorized by Machiavel's Prince, is how to rule on a population that is sedentary and how to keep this population within the territory's borders. Historical phenomena that are happening in Europe during the XVIth century, such as epidemics or food shortages, contribute to a shift in government, since the main problem for rulers becomes how to make people circulate and how to control these circulations.

In this paper, I would like to apply Foucault's hypothesis to the analysis of the link between citizenship, territory and circulations in the case of the European Union. I will, at first (I), make the hypothesis of the centrality of policies of free movement and circulation for the restructuring of (a) citizenship and (b) statehood in the case of the EU. I will propose an interpretative analysis of the link between membership space and the restructuring of territoriality in Europe. In this respect, I will make an analysis of the discourses of EU institutional actors concerning citizenship and circulation, with a special focus on the transitional measures concerning the new Eastern members. I will consider European citizenship, in this context, as a strategic tool for the government and classification of individuals within the European political space. I will therefore test Foucault hypothesis in the context of free movement and citizenship policies in the EU.

In a second time (II), I will consider citizenship, territoriality and circulation from a normative point of view. Using philosophical tools, I will build a normative definition of both citizenship and territory and I will argue for the centrality of space and materiality in contemporary forms of government. In this respect, I will drive on Foucault's notion of milieu and I will try to show its implications and also its limits for thinking citizenship as self-government in contemporary Europe and within the context of a different paradigm of political authority and of statehood.

Teresa Pullano Fulbright-Schuman Fellow Department of Political Science Columbia University New York and Italian National Research Council contact: teresapullano@gmail.com teresa.pullano@sciences-po.org

Hernán Cuevas (Universidad Diego Portales) and Isabel Pérez (Universidad Academia de Humanismo Cristiano)

This paper explores the identity politics of Vivopositivo, a key Chilean organization of people living with HIV/AIDS. Vivopositivo's politics coheres around issues of health promotion, public recognition, inclusion/exclusion and the promotion of the rights of people living with HIV/AIDS from the most diverse walks of life. Drawing on individual interviews, documents, press research and participant observation, we explore how Vivopositivo members understand and use ideas relating to sexual citizenship and biological citizenship. Although citizenship can be considered a biopolitical category that primarily relates to the government of populations, here we explore the affirmative biopolitcs of sexual citizenship and biological citizenship. We take sexual citizenship to be a complex concept that works as a metaphor (Weeks, 1998) condensing experiences from the realms of, on the one hand, sexuality and, on the other, citizenship and rights. Similarly, biological citizenship (Rose and Novas, 2004; Rose, 2007; Petrina, ) puts together the apparently discrete experiences of the body, health and illness with that of citizenship and rights. These concepts seem significant to us precisely because they shed light to individuals and groups narrations and understandings about apparently 'private troubles' concerning identity, sexuality and the experience of health and illness, with that of social and political struggles concerning 'public issues' and discourses about discrimination, inclusion/exclusion, visibility, recognition and the constitution of a pluralist public realm of rights and a differentiated citizenship. The paper explores empirically how and to what extent people living with HIV/AIDS in Chile have managed to alter their subject position from a disempowered, stigmatized and even abjected minority to one of equal moral worth.

Hernán Cuevas (hcuevasster@gmail.com) e Isabel Pérez (isaisapz@gmail.com)

Institutions:        Universidad Diego Portales / Universidad Academia de Humanismo Cristiano

Katharina T. Paul Assistant Professor Erasmus University Rotterdam

In the 1990s, medical research concluded that infection with specific strands of the Human Papilloma Virus (HPV) was a necessary agent for the development of cervical cancer, the second most common form of cancer in young women worldwide. HPV is a sexually transmitted infection; it is estimated that around 75% of sexually active persons will get in contact with the virus at some point in their lives. In 2006 and 2007 respectively, two vaccines (Gardasil and Cervarix) were approved by the United States Food and Drug Administration and the European Medicines Agency. These vaccines are intended to immunize women and young girls against several strands of the HPV, including those that cause cervical cancer. While the vaccine has been integrated into national health care programs in many countries, the vaccine continues to trigger debate and disagreement. In particular, these debates address the ethical implications of immunizing young girls against a sexually transmitted disease. Others, in turn, base their criticisms on cost-benefit analyses, expressing doubt regarding the effectiveness of the vaccine.

In this paper, we seek to unpack these criticisms and to develop a new framework of analysis inspired by poststructuralist interpretive policy analysis. In doing so, we want to draw attention to the discursive, bio-political, and socio-technical implications of the vaccine. In particular, we point to the gendered logics that govern cervical cancer prevention policy and the ways in which medical research produces linkages between sexuality, contagion, cancer, lifestyle, and women's health. The present paper is structured as follows: Following a critical review of the existing literature on the subject, we introduce the concept of governance. In line with the interpretive tradition in policy analysis we understand governance as the complex, interactive, and informal modes in which issues, specifically those related to medical innovations, become objects of policy. Subsequently, we complement the governance approach with insights from medical anthropology and science studies, particularly feminist approaches, and propose to drawon document analysis and in-depth expert interviews in the tradition of policy discourse analysis and social studies of science.

Such a methodological approach, we argue, makes it possible to explore the contextually contingent factors that account for the ways in which new, unstable technologies are taken up across different socio-political contexts. In an illustration of our approach, we conclude with an empirical overview of our research results so far, focusing on Austria, England, and the Netherlands. We suggest that three factors help account for contextually contingent cervical cancer prevention policy discourses, i.e. adoption or rejection of this particular vaccine: institutional structures, socio-cultural traditions in the field of medicine producing a more or less permissive policy stance, and discursively shaped gender relations.

Katharina T. Paul Assistant Professor Erasmus University Rotterdam Institute for Health Policy and Management (ibmg) The Netherlands paul@bmg.eur.nl

Michaela Theresia Mayrhofer, PhD student at the University of Vienna (Austria) & Ecole des Haute Etudes en Sciences Sociales (France)

The collection of human biological material is an old practice that has gained new significance in the post-genomic era with the emergence of so-called 'biobanks'. In some cases, biobanks can be understood as locations of 'biological citizenship.' A genetic predisposition can be a constituting element of an individual's identity as a patient that assigns him/her to a particular group around a particular biological component. Donating blood to a biobank can, for instance, be understood as a symbolic act, as an articulation of the refusal to accept the biological component of one's identity as a 'fate'. In an entrepreneurial manner, the act of donation can be depicted as an act of self-governance.

In this paper, I present the Généthon DNA and Cell Bank as an institutional articulation of the concept of 'biological citizenship', whose corporate identity is determined by the goals and promises of the stakeholder institution, the patient organisation AFM. This patient organisation is not only financially independent but also a strong supporter of genetic research. Since the late 1980s, the AFM has initiated several biobanks and has become a very active actor in the French biobanking scene. It has encouraged the French Ethics Committee's opinion on biobanks, fostered collections at hospital sites and supported the creation of networks of biobanks. By employing a warfare-like rhetoric it positions the patients as active citizens who have to fight against an (internal and often invisible) 'enemy'. In case of rare disease patients, their fight is fought over internal borders because the 'enemy' is often inscribed on the genetic level and might be called an unwanted; life threatening and internal 'other'.The 'enemy' is literally within the individual's body and therefore creates new groups and categories of patients reunited in a biobank.

Methodologically, my research is grounded in the study of proclamations (such as advocacy statements), a series of qualitative interviews and extensive on-site observations. 

Michaela Theresia Mayrhofer, PhD student at the University of Vienna (Austria) & Ecole des Haute Etudes en Sciences Sociales (France)michaela.mayrhofer@medunigraz.at

Naja Vucina Pedersen

 Ph.D. Fellow

, Institute of Society and Globalisation, 



Roskilde University

Preventing the occurrence and spread of lifestyle diseases such as diabetes type 2, cardiovascular diseases, stroke, obesity and cancer has increasingly become an integral part of public health efforts in Denmark. Within public health, these diseases are generally perceived as being associated with risk factors such as smoking, alcohol intake, stress, physical inactivity and unhealthy diets. Consequently, public health efforts increasingly seek to transform people's lifestyle in order to eradicate or minimise high-risk behaviour. The promotion of healthy lifestyles opens up new fields of intervention for the public health administration.

Taking the recent efforts to prevent lifestyle disease as my case, this study sets out to examine these efforts as a particular outcome of modern government. It involves exploring how this new field of intervention is tackled with an array of new techniques and practices concerned with an overall problem: how to govern individual and public bodies and mentalities in order to improve the health of the population.

A recurring subject matter is the relationship in public health promotion between two aspects of government: a. the techniques and practices launched to attend to the administration of public health services and b. the techniques and practices instigated to transform individual conduct. The relationship between these two modes of assessing government of prophylactic health will be reflected on and displayed theoretically, methodologically and empirically throughout the dissertation.

Michel Foucault's notion of bio-power allows me to draw attention to a characteristic of modern power as an operating device for the vitality and the wellbeing of the individual citizen and the population as a whole (Foucault, 2000: 125). Health policies aiming at the transformation of lifestyles are identified as a mode of government in which the preservation and care of the living constitute a central object of intervention (Osborne, in Petersen & Bunton, 1997: 173-89).

In addition to the notion of bio-power, governmentality (Foucault 1980, in Burchell, et al., 1980; cf. Rose, 1998; cf. Dean, 1999) will serve as a way to conceptualise contemporary health promotion as specific ways to problematise and act upon an overall concern: how should one govern oneself and others in order to attain a healthy life? In the case of citizen directed health promotion, conceptualising governmentality equally involves problematisations, practices and techniques relating to the transformation of individual conduct and problematisations, practices and techniques relating to health policy administration.

Naja Vucina Pedersen

 Ph.D. Fellow

, Institute of Society and Globalisation, 



Roskilde University

Michelle Brady (University of Alberta)

Acknowledgements: I gratefully acknowledge that my travel to this conference was supported by a J Gordin Kaplan travel award

The aim of my research project Interrogating Capacity Building is to grasp the spaces of freedom and constraint that the Australian government's capacity building programs for single mothers open up and close down. It seeks to throw new light on the contemporary problem of capacity building programs (such as welfare to work programs), to understand the current limits of thinking about these programs, and to loosen the grip of ways of thinking that have become sedimented. In doing so it aims to highlight concrete ways of thinking and acting differently. It does this through a combination of historical, textual and ethnographic methods that takes inspiration from, and extends, Foucault's later works (on governmentalities and technologies of the self) and the governmentality debate in Anglo Saxon political science and sociology (Lemke: 2003). The historical (genealogical) methods developed by Foucault and the governmentality literature provided many of the tools needed to achieve the aims of this project. Importantly, they enabled a focus on the concrete practices of governance as well as the language and forms of thought through which the problem of capacities arose and solutions to this problem were developed and implemented. They provided tools for illuminating how in the present certain forms of thought, practices, and subjectivities are seen as natural and necessary, and for opening up a critical space around these. Through historical contrasts between how problems of capacities are understood now and how they have been understood differently in the past, these genealogical tools enabled me to provide readers with a critical relation by making "those things [in] our present experience" that are given to us "as if they were timeless, natural, unquestionable" seem strange and not inevitable (Rose 1999).

But these genealogical and historical tools of analysis were insufficient on their own to enable an understanding of the current limits of thought and practice in relation to capacity building programs.  These tools have been developed to focus on 'mentalities of governance', or ways of thinking about governance laid down in official plans for governing, such as those written by Australian Government bureaucrats. But they have not been developed to enable a focus on the 'witches' brew' of actual practices of capacity building programs.  When employed by Anglo-Saxon governmentality researchers, these tools are used to identify the most recent ways in which the issue of capacities has become a problem for the state and the solutions the state has devised. These problems and solutions devised by the state are identified as the current limit of thought and practice. Such an approach ignores the point that new plans and schemes for capacity building programs come into being within a complex social fabric that includes a heterogeneous mix of pre-existing political discourses, including historically specific national discourses (Larner, 2000). New policy solutions do not completely dis-embed existing practices and forms of thought but instead they mix together with them. Thus current capacity building programs combine practices and forms of thought from many different times. Given this mixing, the spaces of freedom and constraint within actual practice may be rather different to the spaces of freedom and constraint that are apparent in plans and programs for governing. In this paper I illustrate how I used ethnographic methods together with historical and textual methods to understand the spaces of freedom and constraint that current Australian government capacity building social policies have opened up, and closed down, and to highlight concrete ways of thinking and acting differently.